Nayera Kohistani
The Bonn Agreement, signed on December 25, 2001, marked a crucial moment for Afghanistan and the international community in addressing women’s rights. It paved the way for the establishment of an interim government that promoted women’s political participation and safeguarded their fundamental and human rights. This progress was further solidified by the 2004 constitution, which enshrined gender equality principles. In the years that followed, with the active involvement of the international community and human rights organizations, the republic government was able to foster advancements in the status of women in Afghanistan. In essence, the Bonn Agreement paved the way for the development of policies and actionable plans to promote women’s rights, intellectual development, and empowerment.
During the two decades of republican governance, women actively engaged in the public sphere, in politics, in economic activity, in cultural creativity, striving to overcome the restrictions that had previously hindered their lives. Women who had lost access to education during previous regimes, including those impacted by the rise of the Mujahideen and the religious extremism of that era, continued their studies after the fall of the Taliban. Although challenges persisted, women demonstrated remarkable resilience and determination in pursuing education. To accommodate the needs of working women and girls, night shift schools and universities were reopened. Some of the projects aimed at empowering women reached the farthest provinces and districts.
In the last two decades, the country observed a remarkable decline in the number of women subject to domestic violence and oppression. However imperfect and dysfunctional, legal processes were set up to enable women victims to access justice. In a conservative country, women had access to safe houses to escape abuse, violence, child marriage, honor killing and rape. The level of public awareness about women’s rights and their role in society spiked dramatically even if in some cases it did not translate to material improvements in their lives. The difference in women’s lives was palpable, especially compared to the preceding periods from the rise of Mujahideen until the collapse of the Taliban regime.
I was one of those young girls who had lost the opportunity to get an education during the Mujahideen and then under the Taliban. It was under the post-2001 constitutional order that I completed my high school, went to university and graduated with a higher education degree. My experience was by no means an anomaly or even unique in any way.
People often underestimate the progress that women in Afghanistan made, calling it foreign-driven, imported, and at odds with the realities of the society. Such perceptions often ignore the diversity and plurality of women’s experience in Afghanistan. They see women as a monolithic community of people who are expected to think and behave in one certain way. While in reality, the experience of women in Afghanistan is as diverse as the society at large. The experience of young girls who left their homes in the village in pursuit of higher education in the urban areas or abroad is no less revolutionary than the urban woman who walked on a red carpet as a model. They both show the huge leap women made forward, often at immense costs including their lives.
People often underestimate the progress that women in Afghanistan made, calling it foreign-driven, imported, and at odds with the realities of the society. Such perceptions often ignore the diversity and plurality of women’s experience in Afghanistan.
In the wake of the Taliban’s resurgence to power, women were the first to mobilize against their oppressive rule. In a country divided along ethnic, religious and political lines, women found a natural point of unity around their gender identity and emerged as a formidable force determined to defend their rights and resist the patriarchal norms the Taliban wanted to bring back in full force. From dismissed civil servants to defense attorneys, athletes, scholars, and students, women from all walks of life united with one voice, echoing the powerful slogan ‘Food, Jobs, Freedom.’ Since then, the crackdown the Taliban has been fierce and unending, mired with torture and violence. But they still have not been able to break the women’s spirit. That is the resilience that will outlive and outperform the Taliban.
What makes the women’ movement strong is the spontaneous nature with which it emerged and the independence it has defined so organically, staying away from the many fault lines that have doomed collective political action previously. The movement’s peaceful resistance to the Taliban’s oppression is not limited to the cause of women’s rights. They reject oppression altogether and their eventual success against the group will lead us towards a human society where everyone’s right is respected.
Faced with unprecedented brutality from the regime, the women’s movement has constantly tried to innovate new tactics and tools to protest, mobilize, and organize. This is deeply rooted in the indigenous character of the movement at the very grassroots level. At the very beginning, it was able to leverage social media to communicate with each other, raise their voice, and mobilize. As the space continuously shrank for them, the use of music, mural painting, body painting, theater, and recording indoor protest videos, among other techniques, were what women activists resorted to in continuing their resistance. Although many of them have been imprisoned and tortured, and many of them have had to leave Afghanistan in the aftermath of such atrocities, the movement continues to live on inside the country. The likes of Zholia Parsi, for example, who remains in Taliban custody, are leaders of a movement that is deeply rooted in the daily struggles of women with patriarchy, oppression, and marginalization.
What makes the women’ movement strong is the spontaneous nature with which it emerged and the independence it has defined so organically, staying away from the many fault lines that have doomed collective political action previously.
Another key element of the movement that has hardly received any attention is the role of the intellectual power of women in theorizing the resistance and connecting it not only to the historical roots of women’s struggle in Afghanistan but also to a vision for the country’s future. Since the very beginning, women activists, writers and thinkers have produced a theoretical foundation for these struggles. Uniting different visions and ideals around “Food, Jobs, Freedom” shows the depth of their understanding of societal factors that affect women’s lives and the inevitability of the role of women’s socio-economic wellbeing in the promotion of their liberties and independence. The ability to connect the cause of women’s freedom to socio-economic conditions in the midst of a humanitarian and economic crisis is a testament to the indigenous character of the movement and the deep understanding of these activists of their surroundings and the reality they live in. The progress that our women have made in the past two decades has sometimes been portrayed as alien to our societal values. Yet, these protests and the women’s resistance show the depth of their roots among the people.
There is a strong realization among women activists, based on my experience, that there is no shortcut for our struggle to bear fruit and that there is no alternative to awareness and enlightenment. As such, we understand that in order for our struggle to leave an impact on the people’s lives, we must mobilize as many women as possible, that the movement cannot and should not be about and for a limited number of activists who stand at the front. That is why, despite limitations in access to information and the shrinkage of public space, women continue to engage with people, media, and the broader public discourse about the future of the country.
Another key element of the movement that has hardly received any attention is the role of the intellectual power of women in theorizing the resistance and connecting it not only to the historical roots of women’s struggle in Afghanistan but also to a vision for the country’s future.
This past November, I joined a group of women in the refugee camp where I live to collaborate for the 16 days of activism campaign focused on combating violence against women. All of us are displaced, in exile, away from our homes and uncertain about our future. Yet, what struck me the most was how maturely women were able to gather around their shared lived experience in Afghanistan as a common point that would bridge their ethnic and political divides. The return of the Taliban to power and the collapse of the constitutional order has left a similar impact on all women, regardless of their socio-economic background. Witnessing their belief in their struggle has strengthened my optimism. It affirmed for me that women’s movements hold a promise as a path forward, offering a perspective of positive change for the future.
The strength of the women’s movement is rooted in its indigenous and spontaneous character. One can see that indigenousness in their resilience against oppression, in their continued focus on domestic constituencies, and in their creativity in protesting. What can give hope about the future of the movement is the deep understanding on the part of women activists that nothing is more instrumental in this struggle in being informed. And, that intellectual power must come from our lived experience in a historical context. The Taliban might be able to dominate the streets of our cities, they might be able to imprison our bodies, but they will never be able to dominate our souls and imprison our vision for a future free from oppression.
Nayera Kohistani is a woman activist who was imprisoned by the Taliban along with her family members for organizing demonstrations after the group returned to power. She now lives in a refugee camp in Doha, Qatar.
