Metra Mehran
In early September 2021, I found myself exiled to a New Mexico refugee camp, uncomfortably perched on a stark military cot. To better service the large population of the camp, the administration after a while opened a new dining hall, one that would offer better food. However, there was a caveat. Only men could access the new facility. But that was not the only space closed to women. More importantly, in discussions about how to better respond to the needs of thousands who had to leave their lives in Afghanistan overnight, women were largely absent. It was ironic that even the US military did not believe in the agency of women who they presented for many years as the defining justification of their military presence. There I was, displaced and voiceless, feeling distant from my true self—an activist, a resistor. The world hadn’t just handed Afghanistan over to the cold grip of the Taliban; it had also stripped away our identities, our pride, and our self-worth.
However, it soon became obvious that women were yet to give in. Their voices filled the streets of Kabul, shattering my internal silence and numbness. In one Twitter space, Nayera, a young activist explained with unwavering determination what was her fight about. ”I protest not only for my right to education or employment but for my daughter’s freedom to be herself, allowing her the choice to be a singer or a dancer.” At a time when many were worried about the total exclusion of women from society, Nayera had kept her ambitions high for a full life for the next generations.
Since those early days, the Taliban have tried to reverse women’s basic human rights and intrinsic dignity and we have tried to resist. The regime has issued approximately 85 decrees targeting women’s rights, surpassing limitations in all other sectors combined, underscoring its commitment to a war against women. Afghanistan is the only country where women are legally denied the right to education and employment. It is not only the Taliban fighters enforcing these draconian measures. The group also compels men to take part in oppressing women. For instance, the decree that defines the dress code for women stipulates that if she doesn’t comply, the men of the family would be punished. This automatically authorizes men to intervene in women’s personal affairs and takes away women’s ownership of their bodies and actions.
None of this is new, neither the Taliban’s discriminatory approach nor the world that sees us only as victims and obscures our agency. What is new is our women’s organic and grassroots resistance. Their resistance does not stem from carefully orchestrated efforts led by prominent figures, NGOs, or established institutions but from their immediate realities and urgent needs on the ground. Yes, they are met with gunfire, lashings, and pepper spray. Yes, women protesters are subjected to arbitrary arrests, physical violence, torture, family threats, and intimidation. They are often imprisoned with their children. And yet, the resistance continues.
None of this is new, neither the Taliban’s discriminatory approach nor the world that sees us only as victims and obscures our agency. What is new is our women’s organic and grassroots resistance.
When I ask them about the risks, they say they have nothing left to lose. One woman told me, ” Without dignity, nothing remains,” showing how deeply their conviction is rooted in their daily struggle. That is why the protests have evolved beyond a simple form of dissent; they have become a globally resonant voice, infused with renewed vigour and heightened determination. Those of us in exile have tried to amplify and echo the voices on the ground who give us hope for a better tomorrow and strength to endure the current pain.
This new reality is transforming the systematic discrimination against women and the regime’s response. Suppressing women now is more than a matter of their extremist ideology and distorted interpretation of Islam. The women’s movement has challenged the very foundations and the sustainability of the Taliban’s oppressive system. The crackdown on protests and women activists is now an integral part of the group’s efforts to cement its power.
A retrospective analysis of the past century sheds light on the intricate trajectory of women’s rights within Afghanistan’s political landscape. Throughout this period, the women’s rights discourse has oscillated in different political administrations who have either advanced progressive legal frameworks or obstructed meaningful progress.
Women’s rights have been a major component of political development and discourse in Afghanistan. Progress began in the era of Amanullah Khan and Queen Soraya (1919-1929) who introduced the first girls’ school, the inaugural women’s cinema, and the Women’s Protection Society. Amanullah Khan, inspired by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s reforms, crafted a new constitution that guaranteed civil rights and opposed polygamy. However, the impact of these reforms remained confined within the royal palace, failing to resonate with society. Later, after a period of regression under Nadir Shah, the 1964 constitution brought a democratic framework, granting women the right to vote. Urban women flourished in colleges, employment, entrepreneurship, and political participation. The 1978 coup marked a new chapter with the communist regimes bringing significant reforms despite unique brutality. The Seventh Decree in November of 1978 laid the groundwork for extensive political and social participation for women, although patriarchy persisted even within the government. It was during this period that women leaders such as Anahita Ratebzad, Adela Baba, Karima Keshtmand, Soraya Parlika, Saleha Etimadi, Ruqiya Abu Bakr, Masouma Esmati, and Khadija Ahrari, who had emerged during Zahir Shah’s reign, rose to prominence in shaping the political landscape. Anahita Ratebzad, for example, founded the Afghanistan Women’s Democratic Organization, dedicated to advocacy for women’s rights. It was also during this period that the first independent feminist movement, the Revolutionary Community of Afghan Women (RAWA), led by Mina Kishor Kamal, emerged. However, this progress came to a halt as the country descended into civil war and then the Taliban’s takeover, which exposed women to unimaginable violence and discrimination.
The women’s movement has challenged the very foundations and the sustainability of the Taliban’s oppressive system.
This historical trajectory reveals a persistent theme—the pivotal role of women’s rights in political discourse throughout the past century. Important to note is that this discourse predominantly originated from top-down government reforms spearheaded by male politicians in Kabul. This influence spanned from Amanullah Khan’s reforms to the Taliban’s gender apartheid in shaping the parameters of women’s freedom and rights. Moreover, the legal reforms were often driven by external factors and broader geopolitical considerations, rather than being responsive to internal societal needs and progress within Afghanistan. The centralized structure of Afghanistan’s government further impeded women’s accomplishments at the grassroots level, tethering their progress to the political center in Kabul and limiting responsiveness to diverse societal needs.
With the signing of the Bonn Agreement on December 5, 2001, a new era dawned for women’s rights in Afghanistan, ushering in a modern constitution, government institutions, civil society, free media, an independent human rights commission, and free elections. The newly established constitution represented a significant milestone, officially recognizing women as equal citizens, and allocated 25% of parliamentary and provincial council seats, along with approximately 26% of civil service positions, to women. Afghanistan also committed to upholding various international conventions on women’s rights, including UNSC Resolution 1325 and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The Ministry of Women’s Affairs and an independent human rights commission were established. Legislative measures, such as the Elimination of Violence Against Women Law (EVAW), the National Action Plan for Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA), and National Action Plans (NAP9) for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, were adopted to promote gender equality.
However, a valid concern persisted. Much like previous reforms, many of these legal adoptions were incentivized by modern Western thoughts and perhaps lacked deep roots within different layers of society. It was also true that numerous initiatives heavily relied on international organizations, appearing somewhat “imported” after the first Taliban era. Projects implemented by civil society organizations were predominantly initiated by international donors, rather than coming from grassroots needs. Such programs also tended to be mostly short-term.
The effects of such a flawed approach were apparent in the peace talks with the Taliban. The Taliban strategically employed this as a propaganda tool, leveraging it in discussions with international counterparts by arguing that demands for freedom and equality primarily originated from Kabul’s elite. In many instances, women’s rights were relegated to the background, only to be addressed later by our international counterparts, including the United States government. But in reality, the demand for rights, freedom and dignity was of all women in Afghanistan even if they conceptualized it in their own terms. Our work in the Feminine Perspectives Campaign that I co-founded to gather women’s viewpoints on peace made this very clear. Despite geographical differences, women throughout the country expressed unanimous desire for the protection of their fundamental rights in any outcomes resulting from the negotiations.
I remember a conversation with a woman in the remote district of Kishm in Badakhshan. We were talking about voting rights as she was stirring a pot in her kitchen. “I voted, and I voted for a woman because I can talk to her when needed,” she told me. For that illiterate rural woman, voting wasn’t merely exercising her rights; it was a conscious choice to ensure her concerns were heard. Another woman from a Taliban-controlled village in Nangarhar spoke about her fears for her daughters’ education saying that she did not want her daughters to lose the opportunity to get an education as she had.
Despite the shortfalls and missteps, we saw a fundamental change in society during the past two decades. With millions of girls attending school and university, thousands working, relative physical peace, the extension of services to rural areas, and the push of women for legal progress unfolded significant changes in the social, cultural and economic fabric of the society. The protests after the Taliban’s return brought up layers of women’s political agency that were not as apparent before. These protests began not only in cities like Herat, Mazar, and Bamyan but also in traditionally conservative provinces like Paktia, where schoolgirls demanded the right to education. Currently, two of the most active women’s resistance groups are operating in Badakhshan and Takhar. The recent protests stand out as a departure from conventional demonstrations, forming a compelling and authentic narrative as women passionately chanted “Bread, work, freedom.” Rooted in the urgent day-to-day needs of ordinary individuals – a displaced teacher providing for her children, girls denied access to education, a doctor constrained by dress restrictions, and mid and low-level civil servants – these women, unaffiliated with imported systems or predefined policies, fight for the restoration of their autonomy, agency, mobility, and freedom.
The protests after the Taliban’s return brought up layers of women’s political agency that were not as apparent before.
Our reflection on the historical context showed that societal perspectives have often remained resistant to change, hindering progress with conservative mindsets. However, for the first time maybe, this persistent gap appears to be transforming, driven significantly by the women themselves. This civic resistance may play a pivotal role in breaking Afghanistan’s cycle of perpetual conflict and suffering. The fervent calls for political representation, equality, decentralization of power, and justice echoed with an unprecedented intensity, usher in a paradigm shift. This forms a foundation that underscores the political culture cultivated over the past two decades for pluralistic and democratic politics. Today, these efforts challenge the Taliban’s endeavors to establish a dogmatic, intolerant, and monolithic society. However, the sustainability of active resistance and protection of this transformation, is at risk, especially in the face of continuous suppression and violence by the Taliban. The voices echoing through Kabul’s streets, though weighty, require steadfast support to maintain their momentum.
Metra Mehran is a women’s rights advocate and education activist.
